Medal Tally : India at 10th spot
Medal Tally : India at 10th spot with 45 Medals (6 Gold, 8 Sillver & 31 Bronze)
Medal Tally : India at 10th spot with 45 Medals (6 Gold, 8 Sillver & 31 Bronze)
Sep 29 at 9:15 PM
When 1000th Fortune 500 Ranked company Magellan Midstream Partners,
L.P. in USA is worth $15b Indian PM met 11 Company CEO at the
Breakfast Meeting most are Low Level already operating in India. US
Companies has huge Techno-Economic capabilities but like Japan, China
visits India failed to LURE USA in to investing in India. Even if US
Coms invest 2% of their Market Cap in India it would be $200b Plus.
Top 20 Fortune 500 who didn’t join Modi Breakfast are
1. Wal-Mart with $476b Revenue.
2. EXXON-MOBIL $407b,
3. CHEVRON $220b,
4. Berkshire Hathaway $182b,
5. APPLE $170b,
6. Philips 66 $161b,
7. GM $155b,
8. Ford Motors $147b,
9. GE $146b,
10. VALERO Energy $138b,
11. AT&T $129b,
12. CVS Caremark $127,
13. Fannie Mae $126b,
14. United Health Group $122b,
15. McKesson $122b,
16. Verizon Communication $120b,
17. HP $122b,
18. JP Morgan Chase & Co. $106b,
19. Costco Wholesale $105b,
20. Express Scripts Holdings $105b.
Here is list of FT US 500 2013 which is easily available.
[At his breakfast meeting, Modi will interact with 11 leading CEOs,
including Google’s Eric Schmidt, David M. Rubenstein of The Carlyle
Group, Citigroup CEO Michael Corbat, Doug Oberhelman of Caterpillar
Inc, Indra Nooyi of PepsiCo and Michael Ball of US-based global
pharmaceutical company Hospira Inc. and Kenneth C. Frazier of Merck
What is so amazing is that 32 US Companies are listed in Fortune 500
Global top 50 and top 8 are all US companies are Most Valuable to
India are not keen to meet PM Modi.
Ravinder Singh, Inventor & Consultant,
Three Trillion Dollar Innovative Projects Initiative
Y-77, Hauz Khas, New Delhi-110016, India. Ph; 091- 9718280435, 9650421857
Ravinder Singh* is a WIPO awarded inventor specializing in Power,
Water, Energy Saving, Agriculture, Manufacturing, Technologies and Projects.
Fourth Bi-monthly Monetary Policy Statement for 2014-15 Update
September 30, 2014
§ The policy repo rate under the liquidity adjustment facility (LAF) kept unchanged at 8%;
§ Cash reserve ratio (CRR) of scheduled banks kept unchanged at 4% of net demand and time liabilities (NDTL);
§ Reduced the liquidity provided under the export credit refinance (ECR) facility from 32% of eligible export credit outstanding to 15% with effect from October 10, 2014;
§ Continue to provide liquidity under overnight repos at 0.25% of bank-wise NDTL at the LAF repo rate and liquidity under 7-day and 14-day term repos of up to 0.75% of NDTL of the banking system through auctions; and
§ Continue with daily one-day term repos and reverse repos to smooth liquidity.
Consequently, the reverse repo rate under the LAF will remain unchanged at 7%, and the marginal standing facility (MSF) rate and the Bank Rate at 9%
Xi Jinping leaves contentious issues unresolved, China-India border tension remains
ASHOK B SHARMA*
The face-off between Indian and Chinese troops at the line of actual control (LAC) in Ladakh has been averted. Thanks to efforts of External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj and her counterpart Wang Yi at the margins of the UN General Assembly. The Chinese troops have begun withdrawing from Chumar in Ladakh following the flag meeting between the two sides. The Indian side has agreed to dismantle its observation posts in the area, while the Chinese agreed to discontinue the construction of a road there. Around 750 Chinese troops began incursions into Indian territory about a fortnight ago and remained there even Chinese President Xi Jinping was on a visit to India.
During last year’s Depsang plain stand-off, the Chinese had demanded that India dismantle its positions at Chumar. The Chinese game plan of repeated incursions and rhetoric of “regional war” came out of Beijing just after President Xi Jinping returned after a receiving a warm reception in India during which over 16 agreements relating to cooperation between the two countries were signed. There were also MoUs between Indian and Chinese companies for 24 contracts worth $3.43 billion in sectors such as aircraft leasing and financing, telecom, chemicals, wind power components, cotton yarn and fabric, synthetic fibre and seafood.
But the Chinese behaviour at the border was no surprise; it was expected. Similar thing happened when Vice President Hamid Ansari was on a visit to Beijing in June and three agreements on cooperation were signed. China then released a map claiming large chunks of Indian territory. One should not forget Chinese expansionist policies and its ambition to dominate the entire Indo-Pacific region, if not the world. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke of an 18th century mindset without directly mentioning China during his recent trip to Japan.
During Xi Jinping’s visit China pledged to invest $20 billion in industrial and infrastructure projects in India within a span of five years and $10 billion to other countries in South Asia. But Japan has promised more – $35 billion for building smart cities and next generation infrastructure, in the same period. In addition Japan has pledged ODA loan of 50 billion yen to India Infrastructure Finance Company Ltd for a public-private partnership infrastructure projects in India.
Japan’s attitude towards India and China’s relationship with India are on a different footing. China considers India more as a rival than a friendly neighbour. India has a longstanding unresolved border dispute with China which Xi Jinping terms as “a leftover of history.” The Chinese President has demanded that India sponsor China’s membership of SAARC in return for India’s membership in Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). This reveals China’s ambition to play a dominant role in South Asia, of which it is not a geographical part. Xi Jinping also fell short of supporting India’s candidature for a permanent seat in the expanded UN Security Council.
However certain agreements signed between the two countries are worth mentioning like setting up of industrial parks near Pune in Maharashtra and in Gujarat, cooperation between Gujarat and Guangdong province, cooperation between Mumbai and Shanghai and between Ahmedabad and Guangzhou, MoU for increasing the speed on existing railway line from Chennai to Mysore via Bangalore, providing training in heavy haul system to 100 railway officials, redevelopment of existing railway stations and setting up of a railway university in India and cooperation on high speed rail project. China agreed to construct an alternate route for Indian pilgrims to Kailash Mansarovar lake through Nathu-la pass in Sikkim, co-production of films, cooperation on exploration of outer space for peaceful purposes, cooperation in culture and specific measures to enhance market access to Indian agro and pharma products in China.
But the longstanding issues of border dispute, Chinese insistence on issuing stapled visas and water management of trans-boundary rivers still remained unresolved.
While India’s boundary with then independent Tibet was fixed by the erstwhile British colonial rulers by drawing the Johnson Line in the western sector and McMahon Line in the eastern sector, China is not inclined accept this part of history.
China has forcibly occupied thousands of kilometers of Indian territory in the western and eastern sectors, including 5,800 sq km of Gilgit-Baltistan illegally ceded by Pakistan. In total China occupies more than 20,000 sq km of Gilgit-Baltistan covering Shaksgam, Raskam and Aghil valleys, apart from a large chunk in Ladakh. Even after illegal occupation China has disputed the Line of Actual Control (LAC) between the two countries.
The Border Development Cooperation Agreement (BDCA) signed during the last visit of then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to Beijing was the last nail in the coffin of Indian diplomacy. First, the agreement admits there is no common understanding of the LAC. In face of this blatant admission of differing perceptions of the LAC how can there be border cooperation between the two sides? This exposes the hollowness of the agreement.
The agreement says that the two sides shall carry out border defence cooperation on the basis of their respective laws and relevant bilateral agreements. India had earlier signed a number of agreements with China on border issues, but China has violated these agreements on many occasions by repeated incursions. Further the BDCA says that the two sides agreed that they shall not follow or trail patrols of the other side in areas where there is no common understanding of the LAC. Chinese have always been of the view that they can walk into Indian territory as they had recently done in Chumar, Depsang in Daulat Beg Oldi sector.
In such “a doubtful situation” of perception of LAC, the BDCA says that either side has the right to seek a clarification from the other side and clarifications and replies should be exchanged through established mechanisms.
India has stopped patrolling in some areas along the LAC. Adequate infrastructure and border outputs have not been set up at many places. This gives the Chinese an added advantage to infiltrate into Indian territory and the BDCA forbids India to follow the Chinese patrol. Each time Chinese intrusion took place, our leaders were in the habit of denying and going further to cover it up saying it was due to “differing perceptions about LAC.”
Strangely the Henderson-Brooks report has wrongly accused then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of initiating “forward policy” to the annoyance of the Chinese that resulted in 1962 war. A foreign journalist who had accessed some portions of the report also echoed the same view. The leaked report has 65 pages missing. The fact is the Nehru government could not build any adequate infrastructure in the border areas along Johnson Line and McMahon Line.
India has not yet understood the Chinese ploy of Sun Tzu – the supreme art of war is to subdue the enemy without fighting. China has been playing this game since 1962 and India has not been able to give a fitting reply, despite having the military potential. The former Chief of Air Staff NAK Browne had rightly said that had Indian Air Force (IAF) been directly involved in the 1962 war, the Chinese could have been pushed back beyond the border. The IAF had been successful in pushing back Pakistani intruders from the Kargil sector.
In 1865, the British rulers sensing likely expansionist plans of then Czarist Russia and the middle kingdom of China drew India’s northern boundary in the Ladakh region with the then independent Tibet which extended beyond the Kuen-Lun (Kunlun) mountains up to Khotan and included the Aksai Chin desert and linked Demchok in the south with the 18,000 feet high Karakorum pass in the north. This is popularly called the Johnson Line drawn by WH Johnson of the Survey of India. It included Shahidulla in far off Karakash valley about 400 km from Leh.
The British declared Tibet as a buffer state. The Johnson line, therefore, became the northern boundary between India and Tibet. In 1907, the British and the Russians came to an agreement to leave Tibet “in that state of isolation from which, till recently, she has shown no intention to depart.”
After the British annexed Assam, mainly the Brahmaputra valley in 1826, they took over the control over the hills in 1886 when an expedition went up the Lohit valley at the far end of today’s Arunachal Pradesh. In September 1911, the British decided that the Outer Line, including the entire tribal belt and Tawang tract, should be the boundary with Tibet-cum-China. This came to be known as McMahon Line. China should wake up to this reality.
(8The writer is a senior journalist writing on strategic and policy issues in various Indian and international newspapers and magazines. He can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.org His mobile no 09810902204)
From: Ashok B Sharma <email@example.com> Mon, 29 Sep ’14 8:26p
To: You and others
Between Abe and Abbott, Modi has his way
ASHOK B SHARMA*
Australia and Japan are two important players in the Indo-Pacific region, the main geo-political global theatre. Modi has won over Japan through his civilisational diplomacy and Australia through civil nuclear cooperation. The civil nuclear energy deal matters to an energy starved India. Though a deal of this nature could not be signed during the recent visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Japan, a similar pact was waiting to be signed in the country on his return; thus the deal during the visit of Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott.
Australia will now be a long-term uranium supplier to India. Australia will also cooperate in the production of radio isotopes and nuclear safety. Before signing the accord Mr Abbott said, “In a sign of the mutual trust and confidence that our two countries have in each other, Prime Minister Modi and I will today sign a nuclear cooperation agreement that will, finally, allow Australian uranium sales to India.” He said he “trusts” India to doing the right thing in this area.
Nuclear apartheid on India ended after the India-US Civil Nuclear Agreement on July 18, 2005; subsequently India separated her defence and civil nuclear establishments. India’s first nuclear reactor was set up in Rajasthan with Canadian assistance. After India conducted her first nuclear test in 1974 and then in 1998, the world powers withheld civil nuclear cooperation and demanded that India sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. India refused, calling the treaty discriminatory and unequal.
India has signed bilateral deals on civilian nuclear energy technology cooperation with several countries, including France, United States, United Kingdom, Canada and South Korea. She has uranium supply agreements with Russia, Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Argentina and Namibia. An Indian private company won a uranium exploration contract in Niger.
India has low deposits of uranium and needs deals with uranium suppliers. The question arises why a deal could not fructify with Japan during Mr Modi’s five-day visit there. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe indicated that negotiations are at an advanced stage and are expected to be finalised soon. He commended India’s efforts in non-proliferation, including the affirmation that goods and technologies transferred from Japan would not be used for delivery system for WMD. Japan has removed six of India’s space and defence-related entities from its foreign end user list. Both Japan and Australia support India’s full membership to four international export control regimes – Nuclear Suppliers Group, Missile Technology Control Regime, Wassenaar Agreement and Australia Group.
Mr Modi won over Mr Abe with Buddha diplomacy and successfully raised the relationship between the two countries to the level of Special Strategic and Global Partnership. This is a signal to China that if it can have “all-weather” friendship with Pakistan to checkmate India, the latter can have a significant relationship with its island neighbour. Mr Modi has said that adding “special” is not just a “play of words”; it signifies Japan’s increasing role in India’s economic development, increased political dialogue and a renewed push to defence cooperation.
The references to “expansionist” mind-set of the 18th century, some countries “encroaching” upon others, some “entering the seas” and some “capturing the territory of a country” have perplexed, if not annoyed, the Chinese leadership. Mr Modi’s remarks came when Chinese President Xi Jinping is expected to visit India in the third week of September. Reacting to the same, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Qin Gang said, “I want to stress that China and India are major countries. We both advocate and practice the five principles of peaceful coexistence”. But the official Chinese media accused Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of dividing China and India and termed the attempt as “crazy fantasy”.
India and China has a longstanding border dispute. China has occupied thousands of sq km of Indian territory in the western and eastern sector and continues to claim other parts of Indian territory. China also possesses parts of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir gifted by its “all-weather” friend. This had prompted Mr Modi to say during an election rally in Arunachal Pradesh (claimed by China), “China should shed its expansionist policy and forge bilateral ties with India for peace, progress and prosperity of both the nations.”
Mr Modi’s words sounded like music to Mr Abe as China continues to claim Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea. It remains to be seen how Mr Modi deals with President Xi Jinping when he arrives in New Delhi. Will he insist on the Johnson Line and McMahon Line fixed by the British as the boundary between India and China and represented by the official map of the country; or will he try to resolve the dispute over Indian presence in the South China Sea?
Mr Modi has promised to work together with all South Asian (SAARC) countries. The presence of SAARC leaders at his swearing-in ceremony was a symbolic gesture. He wanted to reopen dialogue with Pakistan, but increased ceasefire violations at the border and dialogue with Kashmiri separatists resulted in the scheduled talks at foreign secretary level being called off. The Modi government is of the view that dialogue should be on the basis of Shimla Agreement and Lahore Declaration with peace at the border. India, however, remains confident that the situation would improve.
The tilt in India’s foreign policy under Mr Modi government is visible. The trump card is Buddha diplomacy. The Prime Minister’s first foreign tour was to Bhutan and then to Nepal (both South Asia), with Japan the first visit outside South Asia. This was the first time an Indian Prime Minister stayed in an Asian country for five days.
Buddha diplomacy is being extended to many south-east Asian countries. External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj’s recent visits to Singapore, Vietnam and to Myanmar for the 21st ASEAN Regional Forum Meeting and 4th East Asia Foreign Ministers’ Meeting has set the tone for the NDA’s future interaction with east Asian countries.
India and Japan have agreed to take forward the India-Japan-US trilateral process to the level of foreign ministers and continue with joint naval exercises. But Australia is unwilling to join in as yet. Australia currently holds the chair of the Indian Ocean Rim Association and is eager to cooperate with India. South Korea too, is unwilling to join the trilateral as it has problems with Japan. But both Australia and South Korea have bilateral arrangements with India.
On the economic front, Mr Modi’s visit saw Japan rolling out of 3.5 trillion yen public and private investment and financing within a span of five years. Prime Minister Abe also pledged ODA loan of 50 billion yen to India Infrastructure Finance Company Ltd for a public-private partnership infrastructure projects in India. Cooperation between Varanasi and Kyoto was inked for the development of India’s holy city. Japan is a major investor in the project to revive the ancient Nalanda University, along with other south-east Asian and east Asian countries. The development of the Buddhist Tourist Circuit in India has drawn Japan’s attention. Feasibility study on Ahmedabad-Mumbai Bullet Train with Japanese assistance is at an advanced stage.
India and Japan have also agreed to work jointly for the development of Africa. This effort would check the growing Chinese influence in this continent. All in all, Mr Modi’s visit gives hope that India will play a major strategic role in South-east Asia and east Asia and check China’s ambition to dominate the entire Indo-Pacific region, including South Asia, South-East Asia and East Asia.
(*The writer is a senior journalist writing on strategic and policy issues in various Indian and international newspapers and magazines. He can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.org. His mobile phone no 09810902204)